Abyei: a lonely voice in the wilderness
Displacement of Ngok people:
Abyei by 1960s was already a hard place for Dinka Ngok as protection from Kordofan region dwindled with rulers in Khartoum subjecting the citizens to various forms of hatred with intention of extermination from the rich pastoral lands of the region. This was long before the oil discovery and boom. Many young men from Abyei who went northward to study in El-Obeid, Kadugli, Fulla, Nahud and much further never returned home as the place was hostile for upcoming Ngok cadres. Abyei was evacuated with thousands of its citizens settling in Sennar, Dongola, Medeni, Port Sudan, Gaderif and Khartoum; few remained behind around Kordofan.
1983-2005
This period marked the worse moments for Dinka Ngok. However as young recruits joined the new war in the south, triumphs and hope kept the people of Abyei with expectation that their forgotten homeland would come to limelight one day. Dr. John Garang constantly referred to Abyei with great concern as many sons and daughters of Abyei joined the Movement, contributing hardworking revolutionaries like Edward Abyei Lino, Kuol Deim Kuol, Deng Alor, Pieng Deng Majok, Chol Deng Alak, Arop Madut, Joseph Dut, Deng Rokdit, Deng Bol, Musa Malei, Ajieng Path, to mention but a few.
These brave men contributed to SPLA\M with their tears and sweats until today. The most remarkable martyrs from Abyei were known of their bravery in the frontlines while several others contributed beyond their traditional boundaries, sacrificing their blood for the sake of freedom and equality; values Abyei never enjoyed to date.
Cattle are important part of Abyei's economy
Many people from Abyei were forced to safeguard few cattle southward beyond Kiir River around Twic area. Today it is common for many young would-be bridegrooms to venture around Twic area in search of bridal cattle. The Baggara for the whole north-south conflict had confiscated all cattle found roaming within Abyei localities. This period could be described as "reign of boot, guns and blood" on Dinka Ngok. As war moved on, ruthless SAF military officers who passed through Abyei are on record for murdering thousands of innocent people. Abyei was a lifeline town that linked between the south and the north; it was not left free by the activities of these war criminals. The brutal officers include the MI, Sudan Security and members of Popular Defense Force, (PDF). They massacred, tortured and killed many youth including old people viewed as threats for perpetuation of Islamic program in south Sudan and Abyei. Notorious among the military area commanders was the one who one time ordered all the "nagging frogs" in Nyimora River be removed by locals because they could not let him sleep comfortably in his barracks. All the locals were forcefully issued nylon bags to go and remove frogs from Nyimora, their God-given habitat. SAF soldiers went on spree committing act of rape and forceful marriages around the town with full knowledge of their superiors, some of whom were also involved. When ferrying goods to Abyei was difficult, SAF officers were business men who controlled everything even selling and buying of Dinka cattle in town. Virtually all transactions of all food and non food items rolled between their circles with their close relatives discharged to wear civilian cloths while they also carried intelligence reports on the activities of SPLA behind Kiir River.
Where SPLA soldiers were lynched on their way to Abyei by Sudan Armed Forces
Can you imagine how SAF officers were beating Dinka Ngok from their fields around Abyei? Recently some SAF soldiers conspired with some south Sudanese militias based in Abyei and killed SPLA soldiers on their way to Abyei. The incident which took place in Bolom Junction in 2005 was a well executed plan. The fugitive militia leader is being shielded in Khartoum while his men continue to receive salaries from Rub-Kona town through security offices there.
Abyei and the bad experience of Sudan's federalism: 1992- 2005
Fishing is a significant part of Abyei economy
Federalism was a great curse for Abyei though it was meant to decentralize the government and bring services to the grassroots, Abyei paid dearly as its resources were looted far and wide. Bad fate traced Abyei to her complete damnation as one administrator follows another in the looting spree inflicted on the land and people. The Islamists made a funny thing by bringing Abyei and Legawa to Western Kordofan State in 1994. Of course the reason was to woo the Nuba and Dinka, both marginalized communities within greater Kordofan. The two historical districts are far off from Fulla, a dusty village turned State capital. It is a well-known fact that Fulla as state capital of western Kordofan state was given only as a reward for the efforts Misseriya made to prevent SPLA incursions further into Kordofan and Darfur. Legewa and Abyei were purposely orphaned from the Dinka and Nuba people. Their presence was mere portrayal of false unity and tribal coexistence within institutions of Western Kordofan state. In reality the state was dominated by Miseeriya, Hamar and few of their cousins from Khartoum.
When in 1994 Sudan reorganized its traditional regions to 26 states, Abyei once again found its neck with Western Kordofan state and were still under Misseriya Baggara who had been looting its resources for centuries. Hypocrisy marked this period which is regrettable for Dinka Ngok. Attempt was made by some staunch Islamists within the regime in Khartoum to have Ngok Chieftaincy under Chief Kuol Deng Majok divided into four. Dinka Ngok had united for more than hundred years under earlier chiefs that came before Deng Majok. There was a strong move to unseat Chief Kuol Deng Majok popularly known as 'Kuol Adhol'. The young Paramount Chief was steadfast and always remained with his people in times of troubles which were brought at his doorsteps by those pretending to defend his people. The newly imposed chiefs on the Dinka Ngok had by 1997 shamefully failed their work to divide the Ngok as intended.
There is still bond of unity between the nine chieftaincies of Dinka Ngok; Abior, Manyuar, Anyel, Bongo, Diil, Achak, Mareng, Aleii and Acweng. Ngok still retain one court under Paramount Chief Kuol Deng Majok. It is the responsibility of Dinka Ngok to survive the storm at the last remaining hours to be united under a single leader. South Sudan and all marginalized in the country will hold Abyei's hands to Promised Land.
The province: Abyei was falsely established as a province with its localities of Meiram and Mugled instead of leaving it alone with its Ngok villages. But real power was executed from Fulla and Mugled, a truth to say, creation of Abyei as a province was just a political sketch.
Commissioners: All the commissioners who administered Abyei, no single one, never, ever, slept in Abyei for few nights. Always the commissioners were either in Fulla, Mugled or Khartoum with all the insignias and assets. They were often military or police officers drawn from the Misseriya or other Kordofanians. No Dinka Ngok son or daughter ever occupied this position until the district was relinquished together with the state in August 2005.
Revenues: All taxes and other benefits that were meant for local government were taken out of Abyei with pretension that they would come back in form of much needed services. Northern administrative officers fully implemented what they were sent to do in Abyei, robbing the local citizens of their resources. Precious animal skins; tiger, hyenas, leopards, python etc. rhino horns, elephant tusks were being sent to the north by SAF officers and other northern traders. Birds; ducks, fowls, rare birds of all kinds were killed for food and sported by SAF soldiers and their militias. Telh wood, whose trees are found allover Abyei, was carried out of Abyei in tons as the wood is highly priced in northern Sudan. Its primary use is for smoking women before physical pleasures. Its sweet smelling smoke has some medical ingredients; the trees are being looted until this moment as Abyei awaits its fate from NCP.
Abyei River
Abyei as a province was only used to politicize the presence of Dinka Ngok in Kordofan without benefits in return. Proper road reached Abyei in 2003, just notice the margin from 1905. It is to be recalled that for many Dinka Ngok, SPLA\M was the only institution that offered assignments and shown importance to sons and daughters of Abyei. From Agok and other surrounding villages SPLA\M established strong administration with hard working commissioners like Ajing Path, Musa Malei and Joseph Dut. Schools and hospitals with better services operated behind Kiir River to reach Ngok people.
Ministerial post: Abyei existed only in name while within western Kordofan state; the Islamists cunningly kept one ministerial post for Dinka Ngok. The same was for the Nuba. Until the state was scraped, no single Ngok had ever been appointed a state governor. All they received was Health Ministry portfolio also with strict condition that the occupant must be practicing Muslim. Southerners must always study the tricky state of our northern political elites who, through structures of power would continue to cheat southerners unabated. Among the Health Ministers who worked in western Kordofan state, Bulbul Muonyluak (RIP) tried his best to stand with his own people despite the awkward situation he was faced with. Bulbul being a former SPLA officer, as a minister he accomplished good things for his fellow Dinka Ngok in Nahud. In 1999 he appealed to local authorities to grand residential plots for his people who were displaced in Nahud since 1960s. The Ngok people, some of whom escaped to Hamar towns after the Babanusa incident of 1964 when many Dinka were brutally murdered in the town by Misseriya mobs. Bulbul went on paying visits to his people around Kordofan. After ending his tenure in the ministry, he went to Khartoum and founded an organization, National Development Organization, (NDO). It was this organization that began to encourage many Ngok from allover northern Sudan to come and settle in their ancestral villages. Due to jealousy and threats foreseen by NCP members, some people plotted to have that organization destroyed completely. The respectful academician Musa Magok tried to push forward for many things to be done in Abyei, his was, a lone voice that faded in the wild. Aguek Ngor had a brief spell in the state as Naivasha caught everyone unnoticed. The three Ngok servants were not honored by NCP by any standard while they tried to make the voice of their people known.
Deceptive services that failed to woo Abyei people
Difra Rig
The tricky policies of NCP and others before it were apparent as they reached their climax when oil exploration around Abyei area intensified around 1996. Conducive environment was given by some south Sudanese militia forces who signed the infamous Khartoum Peace Agreement. NCP, supported by its ground army penetrated Abyei area with its surrounding villages especially north of the town. It was in (Kech) Diffra that more than 21 wells were found. The regime quickly sealed the area and moved further eastward to Nuerland; Higlig, Rub-Kona, Bentiu, Mayom and Pariang. SAF and loyal militias went on displacing thousands of south Sudanese. One wonders how much money was used to erect more than 1,700km pipeline to northern Sudan. The pipelines were hurriedly buried to prevent local sabotage and international reaction. Today all along the pipeline from the oil fields around Abyei until Port Sudan the pipes are well guarded by SAF and some police forces.
With no interest in Dinka Ngok except their oil and other resources, NCP was reluctant to construct serviceable road to Abyei which is mere 45km south of 'Diffra Oil Circle', they had reached through Nyama northward. As soon as Machako's Protocol was signed, NCP through its local stooges in Abyei and occasionally from Western Kordofan State headquarters of Fulla began to woo Dinka Ngok by promising many development structures ahead. Question being asked at the time were; "Is Abyei belonging to the north or the south?" A handful of those NCP members in Abyei were even shy to begin advocating their party policies when peace was at the horizon. The resisting youth and many patriotic Ngok personalities would later pay the ultimate price because of that action. In Abyei barracks which is just within the town, the dreaded SAF 31st Battalion was to enforce fear and intimidation among the populace, death follows immediately for the stubborn. To make matters worse, the notorious old few bad elements among Dinka Ngok kept on rubbing shoulders freely with Sudan security and military intelligence operatives assigned to Abyei. These wrong people started harming not only Dinka Ngok who resisted northern domination but other southerners as well. In 1960s they betrayed Anyanya cause in the south leading to bloody endings.
When it was already clear that NCP policy towards Abyei and Dinka Ngok was failing, emissaries were sent to 'convince' people of Abyei that they should remain in the north. They were to instigate Ngok to reject Dr. John Garang and his SPLA\M who would find stiff resistance at any possible mentioning or raising of Abyei issue at peace negotiation. For NCP, Abyei was untouchable sacred cow that must be milked with tied lips. When negotiations in Naivasha heated, Abyei issue took longer time to settle. The SPLA\M negotiated a deal that put a choice for Dinka Ngok to decide their fate in an internationally monitored referendum. That's the mission of SPLA\M. NCP never made enough research to know how many sons and daughters of Abyei had sacrificed their lives defending that land. It is to be recalled, Abyei had provided brilliant and remarkable SPLA commanders to date. Not only on frontlines but within SPLA\M administrative board, Abyei sons and daughters served distinctively. For Dinka Ngok trapped inside, it was only matter of time to get their voice united with those in Diaspora and those deep around Twic areas.
MobiTel company compound
By 2003 it was clear that NCP was to loose Abyei for good, despite holding its grips on it strongly. In that same year Dr. Ghazi Salahuddin Atabani, the man with questionable identity than Ngok people went personally to Abyei to convince the youth who were seen as hardliners. Together with Cdr. Salvatore Kiir Mayardit, they had previously inked Machakos Protocol on 20th July 2002. The 45km road from Diffra to Abyei was hurriedly constructed, leaving trace of violence to nature. Abyei TV transmitter was fixed in a worthless hut. Its antenna resembles that of VHF commonly seen above security offices. When Ghazi left Abyei, a shelter of iron sheet was erected to host a Caterpillar power generator to supply the town for few hours. Islamic secondary school was built and put under strict bearded teachers from Islamic Dhawa Organization; they were brought in with one aim of Arabizing and Islamizing Dinka Ngok. SudaTel Communications Network was sent to explore the area but returned to Khartoum shortly with a statement that; "Abyei will not offer many customers," for the company. The company could not risk its business over political gain.
"The most degrading offer Abyei received from the north to be remembered was the mosque that was built with perishable zinc that violent wind could carry off"
NCP share in the company is limited. All the structures that were put to entice Dinka Ngok completely collapsed and shamefully, the Caterpillar generator was carried away from the town, using infantile trick of saying it was going to be repaired in Heglig. The most degrading offer Abyei received from the north to be remembered was the mosque that was built with perishable zinc that violent wind could carry off. Knowing that NCP footprints will disappear from Abyei completely, before its rule was ended, the same year of Ghazi Salahuddin's visit, Abyei mosque was finally built with red bricks and cement; with its minaret penetrating the sky beautifully in the middle of the shrubs. It is the only trace that those few Muslims in the town would remember the past government of NCP for.
Ngok's patriotic youth and post CPA achievements
After the historic signing of CPA many Dinka Ngok youth left their universities and others who had their degrees and diplomas packed and went to take part in building Abyei from scratch. And so thousands volunteered to work in civil service, NGOs, businesses and teaching in the springing villages. The youth conducted their affairs with caution as Abyei Administration is still in NCP oblivion. Without guidance and supervision from the old guards, the enlightened youth effectively organized themselves and began discerning for their people.
Abyei Basic Boys School
Education: Within Abyei County today there are 42 primary schools with full primary school in Agok. Most of these schools are being taken care of by the patriotic youth who have vision for their marginalized people who suffered under various governments of the Sudan. GoSS is reaching Abyei with some help for the first time. If coordination is done properly miracles may happen in Abyei without setting up administration in the area. One secondary school is running currently with explosion of number of returnees.
Abyei locality: After taking over the administration of the locality, the hard working youth will for the first time see that tax payers receive services in Abyei for the first time. These youth managed to implement GoSS system of work in the town without anyone dictating for them. How much will these youth work if some Abyei or GoSS elders could be near them? The current administrator of Agok County, Joseph Dut is doing a lot; given the big areas he had to cover with harsh environment in front of him.
Abyei Basic School headmaster receiving IDP from Senar
Northern Sudan based NGOs: With the absence of Abyei Administration, northern Sudan based NGOs are flourishing in Abyei unchecked. Most of the NGOs, if not all, are cheating citizens of Abyei with the type of the poor quality services they offer. All NGOs structures bear traces of temporality and sign of hidden agenda for local population. What is the use of operating works from temporal buildings while locals are trying to settle permanently? Abyei is a place, land with ancestral graves. All the NGOs go contrary to local weekend policy in the area. All Khartoum's based NGOs in Abyei work on Sunday and rest on Friday. They still adhere to Khartoum than Juba. Looking at events on the ground, there could be heavy infiltration of the NGOs by some security agents who want to know what SPLM has for Dinka Ngok as far as Abyei Protocol is not yet implemented. Once Abyei provision is established it is advisable that all NGOs operating in Abyei should undergo rigorous reform if they want their operations to continue. 
UNMIS employment policy in Abyei has to be crosschecked by local authority. Their reason for continuous tendency of employing non south Sudanese in its workforce must be explained. Majority of UNMIS staff are from Asia and Islamic oriented countries, purposely positioned in Abyei to further the interests of saboteurs who still want to look at Abyei with the eye of colonization.
Is the implementation of Abyei Protocol a catalyst for South Sudan independence?
So one can understand why NCP and the northern political parties are against implementation of Abyei Protocol despite its provision signed together with the final document, CPA. When peace makers were in Naivasha negotiating, it happened, southerners in Kordofan and Darfur were used to odd questions and statements in the streets. "Is Abyei part of south Sudan? "Abyei cannot be taken away from Kordofan." Or "Abyei will become Kashmir of Sudan if you southerners try….." Polite northerners always would say; "Why do you want to break away will all the oil in Abyei?" time came and past. The day CPA was signed we never had questions at sidewalks. But some intelligence and military questions and even threats are being issued by some spent-out (exhausted) politicians like Sadiq Al Mahdi who lost his traditional allegiance from Baggara Misseriya of Kordofan and Rizeigat of Darfur. These tribes border south Sudan and Dinka Ngok from the east while Malual from the west. Northern politicians cannot any longer instigate the Misseriya to be against implementation of Abyei Protocol. The Misseriya in their interaction not only with the Ngok but other Dinkas of Bahr El Ghazal tried their best to live in harmony because of the natural habitat that made them to crisscross the region. The government (s) in Khartoum, after the south had tried its hands with liberation struggles, quickly hurried to defeat southerners through those who knew them better, thus the question of Misseriya came in.
Ordinary citizens in Abyei Market, selling "Tab Jieng", Dinka tobacco.
Khartoum lured the Misseriya to the point of totally breaking the alliance that Deng Majok and those before him entered in to solve many disputes relating to grazing around the region. On the other hand, as south Sudan resistance to political domination intensified, Khartoum also increased its hatred on the people by unleashing Dinka Ngok's neighbors and friends to plunder, enslave and dispossess the region and its people. With Misseriya, violence on Dinka Ngok went on until today while major political decision awaits CPA. The cousins of the Misseriya, the Rizeigat who borders Dinka Malual followed the natural norm of good neighborliness though memorable events can never be forgotten in people's minds; the 1987 Ed Daein Massacre where more than 2, 000 displaced Dinka Malual were murdered in cold blood and burned in Sudan Railways Co-corporation carriages. Hundreds of young girls and boys were carried away from northern Bahr el Ghazal in 1998 when the Mujahideen penetrated the region as far as Nyamlel. The traumatized, raped children, some of whom were castrated remained virtually dead after the incident. No one will ever compensate them. But the best reparation the Rizeigat did to Dinka Malual is not to carry raids again in the region; proudly many Rizeigat profess; "we and the Dinka are people of the same father and mother." Rizeigat traditional leaders too played great roles highlighting the situation, knowing the two groups will always be neighbors no matter what follows in future. SPLA area commanders in northern Bahr el Ghazal stood their ground in dealing with Rizeigat. Those solid agreements paved ways for coexistence between the Rizeigat and the Dinka. On the other hand, the Ngok and Misseriya combined with Twic Dinka; violence, abduction and slavery marked their history. There has never been common ground among the communities.
The implementation of Abyei provision is within the entity of CPA that must come with its entirety. Tolerating bad things for long time could result into a kind of search for inner voice. Dinka Ngok, having survived the storm in Kordofan for over hundred years, officially should be left to decide their own fate given Abyei Protocol can deliver desired end for the good of the people. Implementation of Abyei provision is not a conspiracy from the SPLA\M or south Sudanese population to take away their kin from the yoke of the domestic oppressors. The Misseriya had never been friends to Dinka Ngok because the history of the region paints violence and mistrust not only at the times of Babu Nimir and Deng Majok. If the northerners valued Abyei, they would have not left it as a village until today. The boundary between Dinka Ngok and Misseriya can be known even by a child or a foreigner who had seen the region.
The tomb of the late Paramount Chief of Dinka Ngok, Chief Deng Majok
The worse thing the governments in Khartoum did was the disrespect they accorded even to the remains of Deng Majok, the man who advocated the presence of Dinka Ngok in Kordofan with a good purpose of better governance for his people. Today the gravesite of Deng Majok is only left to nature, not even a simple roof is erected over the head of that great man. Those close to the area and have interest in the region will continue to hear of stories how Chief Deng Majok fought constantly with Misseriya and other Arabs defending his people. He traveled far to fight on behalf of his people. Deng Majok found sympathy and kindness as far as Dar Hamar with Nazir Muneim Monsur who stood with him and his people. South Sudan will one day honor their ancestor Chief Deng Majok. NCP and other past governments should not brood over Abyei that has gone away from their teeth. People of Abyei at any sphere can liberate themselves, having learned the art from many sources. If people like Sadiq El Mahdi and others want to instigate Sudanese to fight over Abyei, they should know that Abyei issue is finished once and for all. Yes, Misseriya were traditional supporters of Umma Party, but nothing is related to Abyei Protocol with Misseriya's affiliation to Umma Party. If long period of mistreatment of Dinka Ngok by governments in Khartoum would lead them to decide for their own destiny, that option would be blamed on the factors. The silence of Dinka Ngok doesn't mean that their spirits were weakened to remain slaves for eternity. The fear of implementing Abyei Protocol by NCP and other old traditional parties in northern Sudan is ill-fated because Abyei's eventual option for joining southern Sudan is not a bribe but acquired through blood and martyrdom spanning decades of humiliation, defeat and finally triumph.
Abyei's re-entry into southern Sudan should not be seen as final swing towards independence of southern Sudan. Many NCP supporters in the north think that oil from Abyei area will sustain southern Sudan for ever, so 'giving' Abyei away is betrayal of northern elite. Not so! For dreamers of NCP and others, Abyei will never be Kashmir or Bademe in our lifetime! Enough you have compromised Hali'iab Triangle.
*John Oryem is a contributing writer and columnist with the New Sudan Vision, author of two books and editor of Author-me.com and lives in Kordofan. He can be reached at oryemjohn@yahoo.com
